On October 19, entire Kashmir Valley and Muslim dominated parts of Jammu observed a complete shutdown against Bhat’s death.
KHURSHEED WANI
On October 16, a special three-judge bench of Jammu and Kashmir High Court sought to silence a controversy over an archaic law that bans sale and possession of beef and trading bovine animals in the Muslim majority state. The bench scrapped two earlier ver- dicts of separate division benches with diametrically opposite directions for the government on implementation of the law. The 3-judge panel, appointed by Chief Justice on the directions of Supreme Court asked the state govern- ment to take appropriate action within the framework of Constitution to en- sure no inter-religious conflict takes place amongst the people of the State. But when the decision was pro- nounced, a 22-year-old youngster from south Kashmir Zahid Rasool Bhat was battling for his life at Delhi’s Safdarjung Hospital. On October 9, his truck was petrol bombed at Ud- hampur by a group of Hindu fanatics when they were on way to Kashmir. Bhat and his companion received 70 percent burns.
On October 18, Bhat succumbed to his injuries. “My mother is waiting. Let’s go home”, were his last words. The mother received his body in a coffin. On October 19, entire Kashmir Valley and Muslim dominated parts of Jammu observed a complete shutdown against Bhat’s death. The murder is seen as a result of pro-Hindutva forces’ rise to echelons of power both at the Center and in the state. Chief Minister Mufti Muhammad Sayeed, who entered into alliance with the BJP eight months ago, is clueless as to how the overzealous Hidutva elements could be reined in. When in his presence, a group of BJP legislators beat up Independent MLA Engineer Rashid, whose face was also smeared at New Delhi by Hindu Sena activists (on October 20), he had to put in quite an effort to seek apology from the BJP members. Rashid had hosted a beef party at legislator’s hostel, as a mark of protest against the controversial high court order. Since Bhat’s death, entire Kashmir especially the southern parts seethed with anger.
The authorities put curbs on movement of people. In Srinagar, most of the separatist leaders were put under house arrest, a routine that Mufti-led PDP-BJP inherited from Omar Abdullah government and con- tinued with even more intensity. The shutdown on Bhat’s killing paralyzed the normal life completely. Mufti sought to offset the anger on Bhat’s death by sending in state craft to airlift his body that was received in Srinagar by his MP daughter Meh- booba Mufti and two PDP ministers.
The cabinet mourned his demise and announced ex-gratia relief. But, these measures could not hide the conflict between the coalition partners and its impact on the ground level. Mufti had famously described his coalition with the BJP as union of South Pole and North Pole. He had asked the people to believe that the alliance with BJP would be a window opportunity to bridge the gap between Hindu-dominated Jammu and Muslim-majority Kashmir. However, from day one of the new coalition, the gap is widening further. On almost every issue, the coalition partners express diverse opinions adding to chaos and confusion on the ground level. Worse, the Narendra Modi led central government has left the state to fend for itself. The much talked about relief for the victims of devastating 2014 floods has not come.
This was one of Mufti’s major hopes pinned on Modi’s intervention but all in vain. On the face of it, Mufti still clamours for dialogue. On October 22, speaking at a police function, he reiterated that dialogue rather than bombs and grenades would solve the outstanding issues. However, practically, he reversed his decision to re- lease Masarat Alam Bhat in March that actually halted the process of releasing political prisoners. Even the separatist leaders who are not formally jailed, continue to remain under house-arrest, especially when the situation is precarious. Mufti’s demand to open channels of dialogue with Pakistan does not cut any ice with the central government. The traders in Kashmir fear that attack on Zahid’s truck was yet an- other attempt by Hindu fanatics to enforce an economic blockade on Kashmir as was done in 2008 dur- ing the infamous Amarnath land row.
The Srinagar-Jammu National Highway is the main supply line for the land-locked Kashmir valley and fanatics in Udhampur attempted to instil sense of fear among Kashmiris daring to embark on the highway. The only visible development during Mufti’s eight month rule is that many dilapidated roads in Kashmir Valley were macadamized. The security situation, which he cherished to get better, did not follow his script. The management of security situation compels him to invoke stringent security measures like on Eid-uz-Zuha
Mufti had famously described his coalition with the BJP as union of South Pole and North Pole. He had asked the people to believe that the alliance with BJP would be a window opportunity to bridge the gap between Hindu- dominated Jammu and Muslim- majority Kashmir.
when the internet was blocked for three days and all separatist leaders were detained. The government’s fears were that pictures of offering sacrifices of bovine animals would go viral and become a security threat. Similarly, the government summoned a brief budget session of the legislature and five bills seeking repeal of the archaic beef law were tactfully rejected. Mufti may tide over the latest beef controversy but the issue has already begun eating up the credibility of his government.
Some legislators, parliamentarians and senior leaders within the PDP are sensing the mood of the people. A legislator told this writer that he is wary of meeting people as he used to before the formation of new government. “I fear the people may lynch us. The coalition with BJP is the worst decision our party has taken”, he said. The numbers of the coalition favour its stability but what eludes Mufti is the credibilityof his governance.
(The author is a senior journalist)
